The small population of approximately Norwegian Roma have lived permanently in Oslo since the s. Their ancestors travelled between Norway and central Europe between the s and the Second World War. This programme comprised forced settlement in training camps, removal of Traveller children to Norwegian orphanages and foster homes, and sterilisation of Traveller women.
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Almost all were killed in the Nazi camps. The survivors and their relatives, around 50 people, were gradually admitted and granted Norwegian citizenship after several lawsuits between the early s and the s. They have their own legal system based on ideas of collective guilt; they have their own marriage rituals and their own cosmology.
They make up a strong moral community based on ideas of personal autonomy and collective solidarity, and combine strong values of autonomy with perpetual conflicts for power and domination. They represent and perpetuate a widespread form of nomadism that is based on fixed winter quarters Kabachnik ; Piasere The majority travel extensively, as families, during spring, summer and autumn to the rest of Europe.
Deleuze and World Politics: Alter-Globalizations and Nomad Science
They travel for business, to religious gatherings and to visit their kin networks. In addition, they travel in Norway for business, and move incessantly between flats in Oslo. As many families are rejected by neighbours, or do not pay rents punctually, they are regularly expelled and constantly on the move between dwelling places. From their arrival, the Roma have consented to all programmes presented to change them, but rejected or avoided them in practice.
The authorities see the Roma as a backward, conservative group that does not know what is best for them. Seeing them as Deleuze and Guattari's Nomads, however, opens up other interpretations; they are struggling to keep the mental sanctuary they have developed through the centuries, in spite of malevolent and controlling states. They are waging a silent but insistent war against state control by consenting to it verbally and defying it in praxis.
The Roma agree that wage labour is a good thing and that they really want it, but as they are illiterate, they are not eligible.
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To evade taxation on their earnings, they register as unemployed and most adults are thus on social welfare. They speak Norwegian, but they speak it broken, although most adults can speak it without an accent. They arrived in Norway as Catholics, then converted to Pentecostalism and have now a separate Pentecostal community in Norway. They send their children to school, but only sporadically, and find reasons to take them out as much as possible.
Their ongoing internal conflicts over respect, morality and influence make any centralised institutions of power impossible. They only sporadically have any permanent relations with Norwegians, and as most children only occasionally go to school, this segregation is perpetuated. This complex amalgamation of consent and avoidance, of adaptation and resistance, of dependency and autonomy is what makes these Roma difficult to control: their psychological remoteness, not their physical remoteness. They see themselves as free from state control and consciously guard what they see as their freedom.
Thus the living and struggling Roma in this case present themselves in much the same romantic image as the criticised image of the nomad; they see movement as freedom from state power, see education and wage labour as threats to what they see as their freedom. Applying nomadology to analyse their relations to state authorities further illuminates their position as war machine; not by waging a war, but by subtle actions of evasion and resistance woven into their habitus and way of life.
Deleuze and Guattari's concepts of the nomad and the state are thus salient for the anthropological interpretation of the social, political and cultural relationships between the Norwegian Roma and the state. So what about other mobile groups, such as migrants? Can nomadology shed light on their situation?
Not being documented, defined and individualised, and by being more or less forced to endless becoming, they represent the nomadic war against sovereign control. Papadopoulos and Tsianos give the example of one of the interviewees they met in a refugee camp in northern Greece. He was Chinese by birth and on his way to France. On his route, he was forced to stay in Romania where he married and received a residence permit.
He was caught and sent back to Romania. There he changed identity and gender, married again, now as a woman, and applied again for an EU visa. She travelled to Paris again, changed identity again, married once more and finally got a residency permit.
ON GIVING UP ON THIS WORLD
The researchers later received a letter from her from Canada. However, the figure of the nomad, as a conceptual tool, does require careful ethnography to function as more than a superficial trope. Nomadology is also relevant for analysing the epistemological underpinnings of social science itself and thereby the foundations of anthropology. I close here by discussing Deleuze and Guattari's notion of state science and nomadic science, and how this analytical pair can parallel notions of migration and mobility.
This distinction has direct bearing on general problems concerning research today. Several critics have pointed out that social scientists are becoming increasingly dependent on competition for funding from private and public institutions. As funding is progressively organised through government institutions, and research is increasingly being modelled on the interests of states or private institutions in labelling, surveilling and controlling the population, the researcher may become a political agent for the powerful.
Thus, the possibility for independent research is threatened and research may become a continuation of administration more than expressions of wonderment Lithman I see the concepts of the migrant and of migration as products of state science. Of course, the concept also implies internal migration, but in this era of globalisation it is transnational migration that is in focus.
In migration politics, as in migration studies, integration becomes the key concept to understand this relationship, together with concepts of identity, racism, ethnicity, discrimination, etc. This has led to waves of similar analyses of ethnic minorities and their ways into majority society, in integration studies and studies of different aspects of otherness. While some illuminating research has been published inside this epistemology, the majority only feeds into political demands without contesting them.
Nomadic perspectives stand for continued wonderment of social phenomena that take social, inductive processes as their point of departure. Based on ethnographic exploration of nomads and on nomadic life, the nomad as figure may both enrich and explore our understanding and analysis of the social world.
ON GIVING UP ON THIS WORLD – Society & Space
Not by any romantic vision of freedom and independence, but by making visible and insisting on the subversive possibilities of social life and science. In this vein, I see the concept of mobility as a nomadic tool that has opened up new fields of inquiry and new perspectives on today's social world. However, as with nomadic forces, the concept of mobility stands in a perpetual interdependency with state science and is always on the verge of being incorporated.
Volume 25 , Issue 1. The full text of this article hosted at iucr. If you do not receive an email within 10 minutes, your email address may not be registered, and you may need to create a new Wiley Online Library account. Instead, you point towards the need to learn to become contrary and take up a hatred of this world. AC : Inclusive disjunction, that is really getting to the formal heart of the matter! Bear with me while I show my work. And for a long time, that was the argument: the book is not so much the anti-Oedipus as much as the anti-Lacan.
This characterization totally misses the point, and more importantly, it misses the second half of the book. I contend that chapter three of Anti-Oedipus endures as its most important chapter.
Surprise, surprise, each one of them deploys the inclusive disjunction of recording in a different way—the first two use the disjunctive synthesis exclusively: non-state people use strong inside-outside social coding to establish kinship relations and thus debt coextensive with the whole social field that institute relations of anti-production based on prohibition , and the despot uses the naked domination to establish subservient caste relations and glorious expenditure that institute relations of anti-production based on the law Sorry for all the lead up, but here we are at the big question: is capitalism similarly to be condemned for being exclusive, binaristic, and authoritarian?
So set on reinvesting all aspects of the social field into circuits of production, sovereign functions are routinely sold off as the production of production is its highest goal To see it coming to fruition in a concrete case, consider the case of the New Right. The so-called Alt-Right became a topic of general discussion after the Trump election, but the European New Right stretches much farther back and boasts intellectuals who write on Nietzsche, Heidegger, Schmitt, and Foucault. The consequence is that most of our models of resistance are based on the wrong forms of power.
The obvious response would be to look to an alternative like rhizomatics for the answer. But we need to be careful to engage in rhizomatic analysis rather than act as cheerleaders for rhizomes. While some readers read this alongside the line from the bodies without organs plateaus as a call for moderation, I instead see it as a methodological clarification— rhizomes are not the answer, rhizomatics creates a new category for analysis.
In Dark Deleuze , I bring up the coincidence between digitality and the molecular. Its importance is hard to overstate as a whole range of tech companies used connectivism as their business mantra during the first ten years of Web 2. Yet most critiques seem to fall flat. They tend to accuse connectivism as violating liberal possessive individualism privacy, security or failing to deliver on promises of efficiency and other engineering challenges related to their technical specifications.
Few take into account how connectivism is molecular, Tardean even, with an emphasis on quantization. Sure, there are a few romantic laments about the loss of the molar. But the heart of the critique is to be found in an open-eyed look at the quantified self as the fantasy of transforming life into one enormous cybernetic circuit. And it has all basically come true. How far does it go?
It is most prevalent in the ecological perspectives of many new materialisms and sometimes even overlapping with Silicon Valley futurists, e. The Californian Ideology.